Chapter 26: Revolution
The Youth Turkey Party, founded in Istanbul in 1894, was initially led by Ahmed Lissa. Its roots trace back to May 1889 when four medical students in the capital formed an anti-authoritarian group called the Ottoman League, which later became known as the League of Progress Committee. Europeans referred to it as the "Young Turkish Party." The movement quickly attracted a diverse group of young students, military officers, intellectuals, and foreign exiles. Representing the interests of the bourgeoisie and liberal landlords, the party advocated for the territorial integrity of the Ottoman Empire, opposed the autocratic system, and called for the restoration of the 1876 Constitution.
On the night of July 2, 1908, Major Nyazibei, who headed the Young Turkish Party in Resne, was fervently inciting his soldiers to revolt. Standing before them, he proclaimed, "Soldiers, we guard the territory of our motherland in Macedonia, yet the Sultan disregards our land. Now Bulgaria is under Russia's protection, Cyprus has been occupied by the British, and Bosnia and Herzegovina are under the control of Austria-Hungary. Within our own country, the Sultan relies on secret police to maintain his rule, causing our people to suffer increasingly. It is up to insightful individuals like us to awaken our people. Will you join me?"
Most of the soldiers, already aligned with the Young Turkish Party, responded passionately to their leader's call.
"Let's rise up."
"To overthrow the rule of Abdul Hamid II."
"Let's do it."
Major Nyazibei, pleased with the overwhelming support, was momentarily taken aback by a dissenting voice from the crowd. A thin soldier expressed his concerns, "What if other troops come to suppress our uprising?" This question was quickly met with disdain.
"You coward."
"Coward."
"What are you afraid of? The people are on our side."
Major Nyazibei, seeing the need to reinforce confidence, stepped forward and addressed the soldiers. "We are just the beginning. Enver, in the Macedonian army, is also with us. This uprising is supported by the entire Macedonian army."
Hearing this, the soldiers felt reassured, and their initial resistance to the idea of an uprising faded. Major Nyazibei seized the moment to further motivate them. "We will begin our action tomorrow. We can no longer allow our people to endure such misery."
Nyazibei was acutely aware that the uprising was precipitated by international maneuvers; Britain, Russia, and Austria-Hungary had secretly plotted to carve up Turkey's European territories. In early June, the Russian Tsar and the British King had met in Leville, agreeing on further reforms in the Macedonian region and the potential establishment of a military police force. Consequently, the Young Turkish Party, upon learning of these developments, was compelled to initiate their planned uprising more than a year ahead of schedule. Now, Major Nyazibei was uncertain of the outcome but knew that this was the only step that could potentially save the Turkish motherland from its plight.
The following day, Major Nyazibei led his soldiers to the city of Nysna. The local police, unaware of their intentions, were puzzled when they inquired about the soldiers' presence and were simply told they were there to visit the city. This response left the police baffled but wary of intercepting the heavily armed soldiers. They could only report to the Chief of Police in Leishna that armed forces had entered the city. The Chief of Police, equally perplexed, contacted the barracks only to find they were also unaware of the situation. Feeling a sense of urgency, he ordered all police officers to return to the station to arm themselves.
Upon reaching the city hall with his armed forces, the Chief of Police did not encounter the group of soldiers and felt a moment of relief. However, when the mayor observed the armed police, he inquired, "What's going on here?"
The Chief of Police briefed the mayor on the day's events.
"Is that so?" asked the mayor skeptically.
The Chief of Police nodded, affirming the mayor's suspicion.
While the city officials were left in confusion, Major Nyazibei made his way to the telegraph company. There, he sent messages across the country opposing the Leville agreement and demanding "freedom, equality, and fraternity." After dispatching the telegrams, he and his men distributed leaflets echoing the same message as they retreated from the city.
Back at city hall, officials were informed that Major Nyazibei and his soldiers had already departed. "What should we do now?" the chief of police asked the mayor.
"Wait for news from Skopje. We are mere municipal officials, not the army," the mayor responded pragmatically, aware of the tradition of mutiny in the Turkish army and the necessity for officials to protect themselves.
After leaving the city, Major Nyazibei addressed his soldiers, "Brothers, there is no turning back now. I will lead you to the mountains to fight as guerrillas. We must return the rights of governance to the people." His declaration was met with resounding support as the soldiers chanted, "The motherland is with us."
Meanwhile, Enver, born to a wealthy merchant family in Istanbul and a graduate of the Istanbul Military Academy, had also received news of the uprising. As a member of the Central Committee of the Young Turkish Party, he was tasked with establishing guerrilla forces in the countryside and providing refuge for members fleeing the Sultan's authorities.
"How long do we have to prepare?" Enver asked a confidant.
"One more week to prepare..."
"It's been too long. Our brothers are waiting for support and will start to act in three days," Enver decided, cutting the preparation time short.
Three days later, Enver led his troops up the mountains to join Nyazibei, determined to overthrow the tyranny at all costs and compel the monarch to restore the constitution. The uprising quickly spread through the 3rd and 2nd Armies in Macedonia, and soon the Young Turkish Party effectively controlled the entire Macedonian region. On July 20, the residents of Monastir (now Bitola, North Macedonia) rose in rebellion; by July 23, insurgents had marched into Thessaloniki, demanding the restoration of the 1876 Constitution. The pressure mounted on Abdul Hamid II, who, realizing the gravity of the situation, restored the Constitution on July 24 and reconvened the National Assembly, marking a pivotal moment in the history of the Ottoman Empire.
In the grand halls of Vienna, the capital of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the atmosphere was charged with strategic discourse. The recent developments in the Turkish bourgeois revolution had captured the attention of Emperor Franz Joseph and his circle of key ministers. Among them was the Foreign Minister, Alois Elenthal, who saw a ripe opportunity in the unfolding events.
"The revolution initiated by the Young Turkish Party presents us with a timely advantage," Elenthal began, his voice echoing with authority around the opulent room. "We had already devised a plan last year. Now, by aligning with other nations, I am confident that Bosnia and Herzegovina will eagerly integrate into our empire."
The conversation soon shifted towards Russian interests, as Elenthal continued to unveil international dynamics. "Just before the Turkish revolution erupted, the Russian Foreign Minister, Alexander Isvolsky, proposed revisiting the mutual amendments of the Berlin Treaty of 1878. He suggested that we support Russia's claim on Constantinople in exchange for our annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina and Novi Pazar."
The room buzzed with reactions. Conrad, the Chief of Staff, couldn't help but comment with a smirk, "These Russians have barely recovered from their wounds, and yet they're eyeing Constantinople again. Do they not fear a repeat of the Russo-Japanese War?"
Another minister chimed in, his tone laced with skepticism, "Their greed for Constantinople has spanned over a century. Has Britain given them the nod?"
Elenthal quickly dismissed the notion, "That's highly unlikely. Britain will never allow the Russian bear a foothold in the Mediterranean until the very last moment. Constantinople's significance to Russia is immense, and while we may align with other nations, Britain will surely oppose."
The discussion underscored the strategic importance of the Balkans to the Austro-Hungarian Empire, especially after its losses in the Italian War of Independence in 1859 and the exclusion from the German Confederation post the Austro-Prussian War of 1866. With Russia to the east, the empire's aspirations for expansion were directed towards the Balkans.
Historically, the Balkans had been a region of unrest against Ottoman rule, with uprisings intensifying in the mid-1870s. The Russian Tsar, Alexander II, had sought to capitalize on this instability. In the Budapest Convention of 1877, Russia and the Austro-Hungarian Empire reached an agreement that would allow Russia to annex Bessarabia, while Austria-Hungary maintained a neutral stance during Russia's conflict with Turkey. In return, Russia consented to Austria-Hungary's annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Following Russia's declaration of war, the conflict saw the Turks being pushed back to the gates of Istanbul. The intervention of other great powers, particularly Britain and Austria-Hungary, was crucial in preventing a complete Russian victory, adhering to the London Straits Convention of 1841 which barred warships from the Strait of Constantinople during wartime.
The post-war scenario saw the imposition of the Treaty of San Stefano by Russia on the Ottomans, which controversially suggested joint Russian and Austrian occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, breaching the Budapest Convention. However, this treaty was soon replaced by the Treaty of Berlin in 1878, which granted the Austro-Hungarian Empire special rights over Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Novi Pazar region, under Article 29. Article 25 explicitly stated that the province of Bosnia and Herzegovina would be occupied and administered by the Austro-Hungarian Empire, with rights to maintain military and trade routes throughout the region.
The geopolitical landscape was further complicated by the separation of Montenegro from Serbia, which hindered a potential alliance between these two closely cooperating nations. Austria's strategic occupation of Sanjak was crucial as it provided a corridor potentially leading to the port of Sharonika in Ottoman-controlled Macedonia.
The religious divide in Bosnia between Catholics and Orthodox Christians added another layer of complexity to the Austro-Hungarian control over the region. Despite the Treaty of Berlin allowing Austria to solely occupy Bosnia and Herzegovina, the final disposition of these provinces remained ambiguous, still nominally under Ottoman sovereignty.
The annexation plans, however, stirred discontent in Serbia. In 1903, a Serbian coup ushered in the pro-Russian Karatylesevich dynasty, shifting the political landscape towards those favoring attention on Bosnia. Serbian ambitions to acquire Novi Pazar and Sanjak from Austria-Hungary led to a gradual souring of relations between the two nations.
Despite Russia's weakened state post the Russo-Japanese War of 1905 and subsequent internal strife, Austria-Hungary's Foreign Minister Alois Elenthal had already begun formulating a strategy to strengthen Austria-Hungary's hold over Serbia by pushing for the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
In Belgrade, the capital of Serbia, King Peter Karageorovic convened his ministers to deliberate over Vienna's refusal to cede Novi Pazar and Sanjak, regions heavily populated by Serbs. The meeting was tense, with the Foreign Minister delivering the disheartening news of Vienna's stance.
General Putnik, representing the military, expressed his frustration, "These Austrians completely disregard our legitimate demands." This sentiment was echoed by Colonel Dragutin, the intelligence chief, who agreed, "The Austrians must face our reasonable demands."
A minister suggested seeking Russian support, but Dragutin was quick to temper expectations, "Given Russia's recent hardships, can we really count on their support? Besides, the Russians have their own interests, and we must not underestimate the Austrians."
After intense discussions, a decision was made. If Austria-Hungary proceeded with the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina without addressing Serbian claims on Novi Pazar and Sanjak, Serbia would mobilize its military to assert its resolve. The stage was set for a confrontation that could reshape the geopolitical landscape of the region.
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