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In 1956, a momentous event captivated the world: the United Kingdom passed Singapore's independence through Parliament, officially recognizing it as a Commonwealth country. This meant Singapore had achieved full sovereignty.
Penang and Malacca, however, remained under Hardy's control and were still part of the British Empire.
Singapore, now a fully independent entity, extended invitations to other Malayan states to join in forming a federal state. Johor was the first to accept, given that Hardy had long held sway over the region after orchestrating the downfall of Johor's previous Sultan and installing Maha in power. Johor's integration into the federation allowed it to sever ties with British colonial rule while maintaining a ceremonial status for Maha, albeit with limited real power.
The joining of Johor had significant ramifications for the surrounding regions. Hardy's influence in Malaya was formidable, and the prospect of complete independence seemed increasingly remote to other sultans. The British had agreed to the federation, but it was evident that Hardy was the driving force behind it.
The remaining sultans on the Malayan Peninsula were uneasy. They feared that Hardy's expansionist ambitions might lead to their annexation. With their power waning under British colonial rule and the growing might of Hardy's dominions, the prospect of remaining under British control seemed preferable to them.
Hardy, meanwhile, was focusing on the development of Sarawak and Sabah, located on the island of Kalimantan. These territories, acquired from the Kingdom of Brunei, had populations and cultures distinct from those of the Malayan Peninsula. Brunei had retained only a small area and preferred to remain independent.
By 1957, after Hardy implemented favorable policies and subsidies, Sarawak and Sabah agreed to join Singapore. This marked the establishment of the Federation of Singapore, a unitary state with a parliamentary democratic system similar to that of the United Kingdom. Despite its independence, the Federation acknowledged Hardy's son, David Hardy, as a sovereign lord and maintained some privileges for the Sultan of Johor.
The Federation of Singapore, with its territories spanning 20,770 square kilometers, became a new political entity, while the remaining Malayan Peninsula, home to nine sultans, was left to contend with the diminishing British colonial rule.
In 1958, the Federation of Singapore was admitted to the United Nations, further solidifying Hardy's international influence. The sultans on the Malayan Peninsula were left grappling with uncertainty, their future under Hardy's expanding dominion in question.
Hardy was less concerned with their struggles, focusing instead on strengthening his own dominions. He prioritized economic growth, military capability, and international influence. The Hardy Group leveraged Singapore's resources to engage in global business, achieving rapid economic development and expanding its influence in the U.S., Europe, and Japan.
In terms of military strength, Hardy relied on the HD Defense Company for his dominions, while the Federation of Singapore established its own armed forces. Despite receiving World War II-era weaponry from the U.S., Hardy negotiated with President Eisenhower and Secretary of Defense to acquire advanced military equipment, including jet fighters and submarines, to maintain dominance in Southeast Asia.
Internationally, Hardy's support for Nicholas in the U.S. presidential election was a crucial move. The election pitted Nicholas, backed by Hardy, against Kennedy. Historically, Kennedy had won, but this time, with Hardy's intervention, Nicholas was well-prepared.
Kennedy's reluctance to appear on ABC TV, which was owned by Hardy's group, was overridden by Nicholas's insistence. The debate was held on ABC, and despite Kennedy's energetic performance, Nicholas remained calm and collected. Media reports highlighted Kennedy's youth and impulsiveness, casting him as unstable compared to Nicholas.
Kennedy's efforts to secure Mafia support were thwarted by Hardy's influence. With the Mafia's alignment with Hardy and Hardy's control over Las Vegas's lucrative casinos, Kennedy's attempts to leverage Mafia resources were in vain.
In November 1960, Nicholas won the presidency. Hardy was pleased with the outcome, having altered the course of history. As Nicholas began assembling his cabinet, Andy was appointed Minister of Finance, while Mike, now governor of California, moved closer to his own political aspirations.
Hardy, noting the parallels to Kennedy's loss and the challenges of political life, encouraged Mike to aim for the presidency when Nicholas's term ended. Mike, now 40, was determined to rise to the occasion.
Kennedy, disheartened by his loss and facing the reality of Hardy's dominance, found himself unable to escape the "death curse" associated with his family. Despite his efforts, his future was marred by tragedy when he and his new companion died in a car accident.
Hardy, reflecting on Kennedy's fate, acknowledged the inescapable nature of the Kennedy family's misfortune, even if Kennedy had not become president in this timeline.
The world continued to evolve, driven by ambition, power, and the relentless march of history.