章節 53: Indo Pacific

The morning of early 1952 marked a new phase of uncertainty as the political landscape in Pakistan shifted drastically. The military, having swiftly seized control, now enforced martial law with a decisive grip. The takeover, although relatively swift and clean, was marked by a noticeable absence of significant resistance.

The political leaders who had opposed the coup were either detained or fled, while the military consolidated its control over key governmental and military installations.

The general populace, though initially apprehensive, had quickly adapted to the new order, showing little inclination to resist. Because the government before ever since partition and death of Mohammed Ali Jinnah has been incapable of handling government affairs which resulted in chaos.

So when Ayub Khan took over and promised the people a stable and effective government they agreed, thus creating a chain reaction that will haunt the state of Pakistan for decades to come.

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After last meeting with the prime minister Rohan, K.P. flew to USA in order to understand what the USA government is thinking right now of Pakistan military coup, as the situation in Korea is getting more and more stabilised it won't be long before the war will end and that is when USA will finally focus on other regions of world.

In Washington, After getting over the formal greetings K.P. Singh, the Indian Minister of External Affairs, was now getting into a very crucial discussions with key U.S. officials. The setting was a high-security meeting room in the State Department, where Secretary of State Dean Acheson and National Security Advisor Robert Lovett awaited Singh's arrival.

"Mr. Singh," Acheson began as Singh entered, "we've been following the developments in Pakistan with great interest. The speed with which the military has taken over is remarkable. What's your take on the situation?"

Singh, visibly composed but with a note of concern in his voice, responded, "Secretary Acheson, the situation in Pakistan is indeed fluid. The military's control has been surprisingly efficient, but it's important to consider the long-term implications. The lack of substantial resistance suggests either a deep-seated frustration with the previous government or a significant level of military preparedness."

Lovett leaned forward, "We're concerned about the potential for regional destabilization. How do you see this impacting India and our joint interests?"

Singh took a moment to gather his thoughts before speaking. "The coup's success, while swift, may not necessarily translate into long-term stability. The political vacuum and the possibility of resistance factions could lead to ongoing instability. For India, this situation necessitates a reassessment of our strategic posture, particularly concerning our defense and diplomatic strategies."

Acheson nodded, "Agreed. The U.S. is keen on understanding the broader implications for the region. We've been considering enhancing our strategic cooperation with India, especially in the context of nuclear capabilities."

Singh's eyes narrowed slightly as he responded, "Enhanced nuclear cooperation could be beneficial, but we must proceed with caution. The current instability in Pakistan might make the situation more volatile. Any steps we take should aim to stabilize the region rather than exacerbate tensions."

Lovett, noting Singh's cautious stance, asked, "What specific measures do you propose to balance our strategic interests with regional stability?"

Singh leaned back in his chair, contemplating his response. "Firstly, I recommend an immediate review of our joint nuclear programs to ensure they align with the current geopolitical dynamics. Secondly, we should focus on increased intelligence sharing to better understand the internal dynamics within Pakistan. Finally, engaging in diplomatic efforts to mediate and stabilize the region could prove crucial."

Acheson nodded thoughtfully, "We'll need to coordinate closely on these fronts. The U.S. is prepared to support increased intelligence operations and explore further collaboration on nuclear matters."

Singh appreciated the support, "I believe this cooperative approach will benefit both our nations and contribute to regional stability."

As the meeting concluded, Singh and Acheson shook hands, each understanding the gravity of the decisions that lay ahead.

The USA was starting to fear China and USSR close relationship, which place them in a very delicate position in Asia and the only major power they can cooperate with to counter USSR and China influence is India.

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Back in India, Rohan Varma was busy with his own strategic considerations. His focus had shifted to reassessing India's maritime strategy in light of the recent upheavals. He had called for a meeting with K.N. Pannikar to discuss the implications for India's naval strategy.

Because he knew historically K.N. Pannikar was one of the foremost Geopolitical thinker after independence who had contributed to India Strategic thinking about Indian Ocean. Rohan had even read his most famous work "India and Indian Ocean: An essay on the Influence of Sea Power on Indian History". Only few people truly considered the actual meaning of sea power in India or even Indo Pacific in the post independence era and fortunately for Rohan, Pannikar was of them.

Rohan, seated behind his desk, began the discussion. "Pannikar ji, the situation in Pakistan has gave rise to the importance of strengthening our maritime defenses. The instability in the region could have a direct impact on our strategic interests in the Indian Ocean. As Karachi is still a major port junction just above us and any military movement can affect the trade here."

Pannikar, his face serious, replied, "Absolutely, Prime Minister. Our naval presence needs to be bolstered, especially given the potential for increased regional instability. Enhancing our cooperation with the British could provide significant advantages. Why I say this because the development of Naval power for India would take another half a century atleast and only cooperating with British and Australia on the basis of a regional organization can the safety of Indian Ocean be assured."

Rohan nodded, "I agree. The resources which we have available in our hand and the technology let alone decades, I don't see us Making a aircraft carriers in the next 60 years because doing so would need a huge investment which is not viable considering the domestic situation of India. Let's prioritize joint naval exercises with the British. Their expertise in oceanic defense could greatly benefit us."

Pannikar continued, " In addition to joint exercises, we should consider increasing our investments in aircraft carriers and other key naval assets. This would enhance our operational capabilities and ensure we're well-prepared for any potential threats. India need for naval power is also to defend her viral interest in sea and maintain the supremacy in Indian Ocean. Because Navy is not just defence of Land but also to secure commerical interest and ability to blockade and Destroy enemy.

Rohan considered this for a moment before responding, "Yes Pannikar ji without a well considered and effective Navy and navy policy, India's position in the world will always be weak, dependent on other and our freedom at the mercy of any country capable of controlling the Indian Ocean. Let's also work on improving our maritime surveillance and intelligence capabilities. We need to ensure that we're vigilant and proactive in safeguarding our interests."

For the first time in post independent India, New Delhi started focusing on the Indo Pacific. It was sent as a message to everyone that while India is weak economically, Politically and Strategically it is a very strong nation.

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