章節 181: Chapter 259 The French Doomsday (29)
Although Republican Party's Wendell Willkie is now Roosevelt's strong competitor, he used to support the Democratic Party.
He was born into a lawyer's family in Indiana. His father was a staunch Democratic Party member and took him to participate in Democratic Party's campaign when Willkie was only four years old. He wrote a letter to Woodrow Wilson, the 28th President of the United States, expressing his admiration while in college.
It wasn't until 1933 when President Roosevelt proposed the establishment of the Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA) to coordinate the planning, development, and maintenance of the Tennessee River Basin and supply cheap electricity to underserved rural areas. This move would significantly damage the interests of private power companies in the region, leading to strong opposition.
Willkie was particularly furious. He had been working for the Federal and Southern Power Companies since 1929, gradually rising to the position of chairman. Under his leadership, 19 power companies jointly sued the TVA.
Willkie fiercely criticized the TVA, calling it "the most useless and unnecessary setup". The case caused a sensation, attracting attention nationwide. However, the trial process had its ups and downs. It wasn't until 1939 that the Supreme Court finally ruled, confirming the legality of the TVA and determining that private power companies had no right to complain about the government's involvement in market competition.
Although Willkie lost the case, his demonstrated abilities and his pro-business stance won support from the business community and the media. Wall Street tycoons greatly appreciated him. Walter Lippmann, an influential American journalist and writer, praised him as the most enlightened entrepreneur. Fortune magazine published his interview, and Life and Time magazines featured him on their covers. Willkie became a focal figure.
Willkie believed that Roosevelt's Democratic Party, under Roosevelt's leadership, had deviated from the traditional political path and become increasingly anti-business. In the end, he decided to break away from the Democratic Party and join the Republican Party's election campaign as a dark horse.
Faced with this unexpected dark horse, Roosevelt had to be more cautious in election preparations. If he expressed support for Britain, it would undoubtedly give isolationists an opportunity to criticize him.
As early as January 28, 1938, Roosevelt sent a message to Congress requesting an appropriation of $1 billion to expand naval armaments, proposing that the United States must prepare for operations in both oceans. He aimed to establish a navy with standards equivalent to the combined naval forces of Germany, Italy, and Japan. Isolationists vehemently opposed this, suspecting Roosevelt of playing the "game of European power politics" in collaboration with Britain.
In January 1939, near Los Angeles, a new American bomber crashed during a test flight, and the body of a French lieutenant pilot, who had come to learn about the new American weapons, was found in the wreckage.
This unexpected event revealed the details of arms and equipment purchases by England and France from the United States, causing an uproar among isolationists. The Senate Armed Services Committee decided to hold a hearing and summoned Secretary of War Harry Woodring, who held isolationist views, to testify before Congress. He gave testimony unfavorable to Secretary of the Treasury Morganthau, a close associate of Roosevelt, who was in charge of negotiating weapons with France.
The isolationists accused Roosevelt of violating the spirit of neutrality laws, implementing "his own private diplomacy", deviating from the clear principles set by Washington, and causing the United States to "fall into the trap of Europeans". To appease the noise from the isolationists, Roosevelt separately invited some senators to the White House for private discussions. One senator revealed to reporters that Roosevelt had once said, "The frontier of America is on the Rhine River." This enraged the isolationists. Roosevelt, in turn, vehemently condemned the news as "utterly absurd" and the fabrication of some "foolish people".
Not only were these watchful isolationists concerned, but also the explicitly defined Neutrality Acts restricted Roosevelt from aiding Britain.
In 1935, on the eve of Italy's invasion of Ethiopia, the isolationist factions inside and outside the U.S. Congress, capitalizing on the American people's reluctance to be involved in a new war, pushed Congress to pass the first Neutrality Act on August 31. This act stipulated that "in the event of a war between two or more foreign nations or during the course of such a war, the President, upon making such a proclamation thereof, thereafter any shipment of arms, ammunition, or implements of war to any belligerent nation's ports or to any neutral port for transshipment to, or for the use of, a belligerent nation shall be unlawful". It also prohibited the transportation of war materials to belligerent nations on American vessels and the travel of U.S. citizens on belligerent vessels but did not ban the export of other goods, including strategic materials.
By the end of February 1936, when the first act expired, Congress immediately passed the second Neutrality Act, extending the effective period of the first act until May 1, 1937, and supplementing it with provisions prohibiting loans to belligerent nations.
On April 29, 1937, Congress passed the third Neutrality Act, which, in addition to the provisions of the first two acts, stated that the Neutrality Act applied to countries experiencing civil wars. It granted the President the authority to determine whether a state of war existed, empowering him not only to prohibit the shipment of weapons to belligerent nations but also to prevent the shipment of any goods to those nations.
Around the outbreak of the European war in 1939, President Roosevelt deemed that the United States' defense line was in Europe and repeatedly proposed amendments to the Neutrality Acts to Congress. However, Congress has been in ongoing debates on this proposal, and it has not been passed to date. Therefore, Roosevelt's desire to assist Britain was sincere but lacked the means.
Churchill was aware of these circumstances, but he repeatedly sought Roosevelt's help.
"The situation has rapidly deteriorated, and the enemy clearly has the upper hand in the air. Their new technologies are leaving a profound impression on the French. I personally believe that ground warfare is just beginning, and I would like to see the masses actively participating in the war. So far, the Germans have been using special tank units and the air force in combat. These small countries are being crushed one by one like matchsticks. We anticipate that we will face air attacks, paratroopers, and airborne troops in the near future. We are prepared for this, and if necessary, we will continue to fight alone. We are not afraid of fighting alone."
"But, Mr. President, I believe you will realize that if the voice and power of America are suppressed for too long, it may not have much effect. A completely conquered Europe will soon be in front of us, and this pressure may be unbearable for us. What I am requesting now is: you declare a non-belligerent status, meaning that, apart from not practically sending armed forces into the war, you will use all your strength to help us."
Having failed to purchase large warships previously, Churchill reduced the tonnage this time. "We need the U.S. to borrow 40 to 50 older destroyers to make up for the deficiencies before our existing ships and the large number of new ships we began constructing since the start of the war are commissioned." In addition, he hoped the U.S. would provide hundreds of the latest combat aircraft and urgently needed anti-aircraft equipment, ammunition, and steel. Churchill also said, "As long as we can still afford dollars, we will continue to buy with dollars, but I have reason to believe that even if we cannot afford the money, you will still provide us with the supplies."
These last words were almost written in a begging tone, utterly embarrassing. Perhaps to preserve the final dignity of the British Empire, Churchill still signed as "Former Navy Personnel" in the end.
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