Chương 36: "For the Benefit of the Nation, I Shall Live or Die Without Concern for Personal Gain or Loss!"
And so, Smith became the Crown Prince of Prussia. There was no need for further deliberation, no need for modesty—this was an imperial decree in every sense of the word.
By all accounts, Smith should have recited a few lines of poetry to mark the occasion. Yet, he could not. The situation was genuinely frustrating.
On a grand scale, none of the people present—dead or alive, including the recently departed Frederick William IV—wanted the future King of Prussia to be a mute. On a personal level, Smith himself did not wish to live out his life only able to produce vague sounds, incapable of uttering a single coherent sentence.
This condition had to be cured.
Since Professor Yang became an "old acquaintance" of the Smith household following an "equipment malfunction" that resulted in electrocution, treatment for Smith's speech impediment shifted to so-called "conservative therapies." These included massages and medication. After witnessing the tragic outcomes of Edward Martin and Professor Yang, the doctors no longer dared to try any "cutting-edge technology" under any circumstances.
The efficacy of these conservative treatments was unclear. Based on Smith's understanding of medicine in this era, he didn't hold much hope for their effectiveness. However, at the very least, they were far less painful than the inhumane and unscientific "electroshock therapy" he had endured.
Still, this was not a sustainable solution. But what other options were there? Smith had no idea.
History, however, would not pause simply because Smith was at a loss for words. It marched on relentlessly.
After considerable discord over whether or not to appoint a Crown Prince, the newly ascended King William eventually reached an understanding with his Prime Minister, Karl Anton von Hohenzollern. Ultimately, they were both Hohenzollerns. Despite differences in interest, their allegiances largely aligned. Domestically, the parliament continued to bicker over their major policy decisions. Internationally, foreign powers, led by France, posed constant threats to Prussia's security and development. Given the circumstances, it was no time for infighting.
Yet, the Hohenzollerns found themselves struggling on multiple fronts. Out of fear of Prussia's military might, the foreign anti-Prussian factions couldn't muster much trouble for the time being. However, as with fortresses that crumble from within, domestic opposition proved to be both the most dangerous and the most troublesome.
There was some good news, of course. Since the purges of 1859, Prussia's "rebels" had either fled or been imprisoned, resulting in a temporary lull. With the strong support of Queen Victoria and Prince Albert, even Britain—once a favored refuge for Prussian dissidents—ceased to welcome them. Many were compelled to cross the Atlantic, heading for the "democratic" United States or the chaotic but accommodating Latin America. With the ocean as a barrier, these individuals posed little immediate threat.
The trouble, however, lay in the parliament.
By the 1848 constitution, Prussia was a monarchy ruled by the king, who could appoint a prime minister to form a cabinet and govern the nation. The parliament, meanwhile, had the power to deliberate and advise. This meant that the king and his cabinet could technically reject parliamentary proposals. Conversely, parliament could not veto the king's decisions outright, as the cabinet was not accountable to it.
Yet, this didn't render the parliament powerless. Under the 1848 constitution, Prussia's parliament wasn't elected through universal suffrage. Candidates had to meet a property threshold, which meant the legislature was filled with landowners, bankers, industrialists, and the like.
This parliament controlled the nation's finances. If its members believed the king and his prime minister were acting too unilaterally, endangering their interests, they could leverage their fiscal authority to block funds.
This created a delicate balance. No king, no matter how great, could rule a nation without money. And Prussia's parliament held the purse strings. Circumventing parliament to secure funds was nearly impossible, as the country's wealthiest individuals were all seated there.
Using force to resolve the issue was equally unfeasible. Not only would it be blatantly unconstitutional, but it would also violate the Prussian ethos of "rule of law" and the principle of "equality before the law" established by Frederick the Great. Moreover, deploying troops required money—so who would the military ultimately obey, the Hohenzollerns or the purse-holders?
Unsurprisingly, this awkward constitutional arrangement satisfied no one. Conservative royalists resented its constraints on the king's authority, which they saw as shackles on a genius monarch's ability to govern. Meanwhile, self-proclaimed progressive liberals viewed it as a crude system of "peace bought with money," far inferior to true parliamentary governance.
Yet, no one dared to overthrow this system and establish a new one. The current structure was a product of the 1848 revolution—a compromise forged through mutual concessions. From then until now, all parties had endured its flaws. Nobody could guarantee victory in a fresh conflict, and a stalemate would only entrench the status quo further, making any new confrontation all the more embarrassing.
Thus, with the costs of "flipping the table" so high, they all grudgingly made do with this awkward arrangement.
But it was inevitable that such a convoluted system would eventually encounter problems. Since 1848, the king and his prime ministers had pursued a moderate approach, emphasizing "light taxes and lenient governance" to secure parliamentary cooperation. For the most part, parliament reciprocated.
However, by the 1860s, this approach began to falter.
The immediate catalyst was straightforward. As France recovered its economic and military strength, Prussia's security faced significant threats. Given Prussia's geographical position, its current military capabilities were insufficient to counter these dangers. Military expansion became imperative, especially after the 1859 Italian War underscored this urgent need.
But military expansion required funding, and existing state revenues were inadequate. Financial reform was unavoidable, which meant raising taxes. Do you think parliament would agree to that?
Thus, conflict erupted. The king needed more money and troops, while parliament seized the opportunity to demand more power. Neither side would back down, and tensions escalated. Matters became so dire that parliament refused to approve any budget.
Everyone understood that without money, Prussia's state machinery couldn't function for even a single day. In the face of this severe challenge, the Crown Prince's "speech impediment" seemed like a minor issue.
Of course, the wealthy parliamentarians were also feeling the pressure. While the state machinery didn't always align with their desires, its absence was unthinkable. There were already signs of unrest among workers and peasants in certain regions. If left unchecked, the consequences could be disastrous. Containing the situation required the state's coercive apparatus.
So, how could this deadlock be resolved?
No one could have anticipated that the key to breaking this stalemate was already crossing the ocean from thousands of miles away. Nor could anyone have imagined the profound impact this ocean-crossing solution would have—not just on Prussia, but on Germany, Europe, and the world.
Smith certainly didn't know what this would mean for his personal fate.
In fact, even the "key players" themselves were still utterly unaware of their role in the unfolding drama.
...
"Runzhi, as the saying goes, 'Seeing is believing.' Witnessing the Western world today, it is indeed vastly different from our own dynasty!"
On April 5, 1861, just outside Kiel Harbor, a massive steamship prepared to dock amidst the blaring of steam whistles. Standing on the ship's observation deck, an elderly man with snow-white hair but a spirited demeanor faced the chilly sea breeze and spoke to the man beside him.
The man he addressed as "Runzhi" was none other than Hu Linyi. Standing respectfully by his side, Hu replied deferentially,
"What you say, Chief Minister, is absolutely true!"
Hearing this, the elderly man waved his hand dismissively.
"Ah, I am no longer the Chief Minister! My time as Chief Minister is over. After serving for so many years, it is time for me to rest!"
Hu Linyi responded earnestly, "Though you say so, Lin Gong, who in the court or beyond can match your talents, vision, or experience? Even though you no longer hold the position, when the nation faces challenges in the future, whom else would His Majesty turn to for counsel but you?"
The old man leaned on his cane and began pacing slowly on the deck.
"My old bones dare not think of the future anymore. The future is for you younger men to ponder. As for me, my only wish now is to take this opportunity, through the establishment of relations with Prussia, to travel, observe, and document what I see and hear. If I can compile my findings for others in the court and country to learn from, this journey will not be in vain."
"Lin Gong, your devotion to the nation is as clear as the sun and moon!" Hu Linyi exclaimed, his admiration genuine and heartfelt.
Before him stood a man who was already seventy-six years old. In an era when living to seventy was rare, seventy-six could surely be considered one's twilight years. For an ordinary elder, this age would mean enjoying a quiet retirement surrounded by family. Yet, this man remained tirelessly active.
He had taken up the role of Chief Minister at sixty and had held the position for sixteen years. It was not out of ambition but because the nation could not do without him. As his colleague Li Shaoquan once said, the country faced unprecedented challenges and adversaries in its three-thousand-year history. Amidst such turbulence, it was Lin Gong's strategic foresight and coordination that kept the nation afloat.
But no one could escape the inevitabilities of life. Advanced age and the heavy burdens of state affairs had taken their toll. By the previous winter, Lin Gong's health had begun to fail—coughing blood and nosebleeds had become routine, and his already frail frame grew thinner. The Emperor, unwilling to see him sacrifice himself for the nation, finally relieved him of his duties to ensure he could retire in peace.
Yet Lin Gong had long since set aside concerns for his own life. Upon stepping down, he requested to travel abroad to study foreign nations, hoping to bring back knowledge that could help his country keep pace with the world and avoid the peril of decline and subjugation.
This request sent shockwaves through the court. Even the Emperor personally visited Lin Gong's residence with his ministers to dissuade him, citing the dangers and hardships of such a journey.
Hu Linyi had been present at the time and would never forget Lin Gong's response. With a resolute expression, Lin Gong recited two lines of poetry:
"If the nation benefits, I will give my life;
Why avoid danger or seek fortune?"
The entire assembly was moved to tears.
Recalling this, Hu Linyi fell momentarily into deep thought, only to be brought back by Lin Gong's voice.
"I must admit, I have my own selfish reasons. For over twenty years since the British forced open our gates, I have been regarded as the first to 'open our eyes to the world.' But in truth, all I have done is organize translations of foreign books and compile some simplified guides. I have not set foot beyond our borders. If this is the extent of my knowledge, future generations may scorn me as an ignorant fraud."
Hu Linyi could not find the words to respond. He gazed at the elder standing against the sea breeze on the North Sea shore, feeling as though he were beholding a monument.
Indeed, as the saying goes, a poet's words reflect his character. This man seemed to embody his own verse with his very life:
"If the nation benefits, I will give my life;
Why avoid danger or seek fortune?"
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