Chương 572: Chapter 572: A Meeting with Kim Jong-il
In the President's Office at the White House.
President Bush sat with his legs crossed, listening to Secretary of State Colin Powell's report.
After hearing everything, President Bush nodded and spoke.
"By now, Kim Mu-hyeok and Jang Seong-taek must be meeting—just like us."
"It seems that way."
As he stroked his chin in thought, Bush finally opened his mouth.
"Kim Mu-hyeok seems to genuinely believe that North Korea can change. I can't tell if he's ignorant of the nature of power… or if he knows and still acts this way."
Bush had no trust in North Korea.
He thought that whether the regime was under Kim Jong-il, Jang Seong-taek, or a new third party, North Korea would not change.
The U.S. had supported many dictators in the past. They professed pro-American sentiments, acting as if they would give everything up, but in the end, they always revealed their true colors.
The mindset itself was fundamentally different. Dictators were a breed of people who couldn't be controlled.
"Still, for re-election, we must engage in dialogue. It would be even better if we could get results before the presidential election. I have no choice but to trust him."
Bush resolved to leverage North Korea for his re-election this year.
Powell nodded in agreement and replied.
"No one understands the nature of power better than Kim Mu-hyeok. He has connections with leaders in Russia, China, and Japan… He's probably going to handle things well again this time, right?"
Powell was well aware of Kim Mu-hyeok's methods.
"I believe it will yield good results."
"I would like to have a direct conversation immediately. However, I can no longer ignore the objections of the Neocons. If our support base splits before the election, re-election will be difficult. You understand that, right?"
"Of course."
"They demanded that if I succeed in re-election… I should replace the Secretary of State."
"I'm aware of that too."
"Yet, you still insist on engaging in talks with North Korea for my sake?"
The Neocons had demanded Powell's dismissal, as he often clashed with them.
But changing the Secretary of State before the presidential election would be a misstep.
Especially since Powell's name held weight among the American public.
So, Bush made a promise to the Neocons. He assured them that once the presidential election was over and he succeeded in re-election, Powell would no longer hold a position in the second administration.
"Yes. Because it's in the national interest of the U.S. With Saddam Hussein's regime in Iraq now collapsed, there are few countries left that pose a threat. China and Russia can be controlled to an extent, but not Iran and North Korea. If we can lead North Korea to denuclearize through dialogue, the threat to America will significantly decrease."
Bush chuckled bitterly.
And that was why he appointed Powell as Secretary of State.
"The presidential election schedule is approaching. Then, Powell, all the details will fall on you. I'll entrust this matter entirely to Secretary Powell."
"I will deliver satisfactory results. I will take this as my last mission as Secretary of State."
Bush nodded.
A moment of silence settled in the small office. No words were exchanged, but a trust that didn't need words lingered between them.
Eventually, with a sigh, Bush broke the silence.
"By the way, I can't fathom what Kim Mu-hyeok is thinking."
Powell chuckled softly at the musing.
"Kim Mu-hyeok isn't acting against the national interest of the U.S."
"Still, every time I see him, I feel something's off. He acts like he knows everything. And then there's his wealth…"
"Let's keep an eye on him. For now, he's proving to be quite helpful, no matter what anyone says."
"That's true."
The notion of acting in their own country's interest was a matter of course for them, a truth beyond dispute.
The U.S. was already on the move.
* * *
In the Kremlin Palace in Moscow, discussions about Kim Mu-hyeok were in full swing.
"Hmm. Did Mu-hyeok arrive in Pyongyang?"
"Yes, Mr. President."
Medvedev quickly raised the teacup that the President personally endorsed.
"Drink up. What did the embassy in Pyongyang say?"
Taking a sip of black tea, Medvedev answered.
"They just confirmed that he entered Jang Seong-taek's office."
A low chuckle mixed with the chill from the window.
"Jang Seong-taek is a rather interesting character, isn't he? It's amusing that he built his office right next to the Russian Embassy. Out of confidence, perhaps?"
"When you're in a hurry, you don't think about the conditions, do you?"
Jang Seong-taek's office was less than 200 meters away from the Russian Embassy.
He could eavesdrop at any moment, if he wished.
"When Mu-hyeok first told me about this, I honestly thought it would be a difficult success. Securing the nuclear weapons in Kim Jong-il's hands would have deemed the operation a success."
"I too thought the success rate was less than half. The quality of the mercenaries seems better than expected. After all, Igor is with Black Bear. He's quite a renowned figure, no?"
At the mention of Igor's name, a slightly bitter expression crossed the conversation.
"It doesn't sit well with me to see a soldier abandoned by the state becoming a mercenary."
"At that time, there was no other choice. Nobody expected Yeltsin to be in such a state of disarray."
"What if we secretly create a private military company? We could shift special forces personnel to them, and if we conduct military operations not under Russia's name but as mercenaries, it could be interesting."
"Are you suggesting we start a mercenary company?"
"Looking at Black Bear, they don't seem to fall short of regular troops, and the U.S. is also using Black Bear for military operations. Under the radar, they're intervening in various national conflicts with mercenaries…"
Medvedev seemed deep in thought as he sipped his black tea, indicating this wasn't a hasty consideration.
"What do you think?"
"I think it's a good idea. If we deploy mercenaries in regions where it's ambiguous to send Russian troops, we could sidestep international backlash by taking a step back."
"Exactly. You should pursue this properly. Even if it takes a long time, aim for the level of Black Bear."
"Yes. I will do that."
This moment marked the establishment of a PMC to substitute Russian military operations.
Setting down the teacup, Medvedev asked.
"As promised to Kim Mu-hyeok, we have lifted the border blockade. What do you plan to do next?"
A light tapping sound echoed as he drummed his fingers on the table.
As the steam rising from the tea dissipated, a question came flying towards Medvedev.
"Will there be benefits for us from North Korea?"
"Firstly, we have a significant amount of money we lent to North Korea during the Soviet era. Just retrieving that would be a great benefit. However, rather than receiving it in cash, how about leasing the port and land in Rason for about 50 years instead? That's under the condition that we resolve the national debt."
"Hmm…"
"If we don't demand it, China will. If China leases the port and land in Rason, we'd be putting a dagger right under our noses. It's better that we make the demand first."
It was far too complex a situation to approach calmly. It wasn't just about North Korea and Russia; China and the U.S. were intertwined, along with Kim Mu-hyeok.
"How much money do we have to collect from North Korea?"
"According to my understanding, it's around $10 billion. There might be more, or less. For now, it's about $10 billion. If I check further, it could increase."
"That's quite a sum."
"We've kept supporting North Korea since the days of the Soviet Union."
"Rason…"
Muttering to himself, the President instructed Medvedev.
"Do we have a map of North Korea?"
"Yes."
Medvedev immediately got up and brought a map of North Korea.
The President spread the map on the table, confirmed the location of Rason, and marked it with his finger.
"The location is optimal. Do you think North Korea will easily give it up?"
"According to Kim Mu-hyeok, if we request to lease the economic trade zone in Rason, they'll welcome the proposal with open arms. Jang Seong-taek wants reform and opening. They must address the national debt issue by any means necessary."
Medvedev pointed at the economic trade area in Rason.
"It's a better location than Vladivostok. Plus, it connects well with the railroad in Russia."
"Hmm… I see. Let's think about this issue for a bit longer."
"Yes. I'll bring it up again later."
* * *
"As for unofficial support, there's no more empty gesture in the international community than that."
I grinned as if I found it amusing.
"Do you sincerely believe that the U.S. will guarantee North Korea's regime? The U.S., which champions freedom and human rights? No, they absolutely will not at this moment."
"Still…"
"If you aim too high from the start, things will go awry. There's a saying that even a journey of a thousand miles begins with a single step, right? For now, if you lift economic sanctions and steadily show signs of reform and opening, the U.S. will reconsider its stance."
It seemed that Jang Seong-taek agreed with this statement.
"If we give up nuclear weapons, we might receive quite favorable terms for U.S. loans. After all, you need money to do anything."
In the end, the issue boiled down to money.
You couldn't progress in economic development if you lacked funds.
During the military regime, didn't the President go around various countries asking for loans?
As a result, the country that received economic aid has now become one that provides support to others.
"U.S. loans…"
"We can start with the suspended light-water reactor project, move on to the Kaesong Industrial Complex, and even tourism in Mt. Kumgang. There's so much we could do."
Jang Seong-taek nodded.
There was nothing to eat or die from at the moment. In such a desperate situation, he couldn't afford to make too many demands.
"Alright. Then I'll omit the regime guarantee. However, in exchange for the concessions, you must ensure economic support is given to us definitively."
"You should discuss that directly with the U.S."
Jang Seong-taek frowned.
"Every time I talk to them, I get angry. They regard our Republic as some sort of axis of evil and treat us with disdain."
"Which country does America not look down upon?"
The U.S. eavesdrops on its all its allies, including the UK and France, gathering their intelligence.
They possess power, and thus they can afford to be arrogant.
"That may be true, but…"
"Instead of that, why not come to Seoul? How about holding a tripartite meeting with all countries gathering there?"
"In Seoul?"
"Yes. You visited once before, didn't you? Back then, it was in the capacity of a special envoy, but now that you are a head of state, it carries a different weight."
"…For now, Kim Jong-il remains the head of state."
"Regardless of how it seems externally, everyone knows the truth. What does that matter? The decision-maker coming directly to Seoul for talks that would benefit North Korea—that's all you need to think about."
Holding a summit between the North and South in Seoul, and subsequently leading to a tripartite meeting with the U.S., would yield the best outcomes.
"I will take responsibility for security matters."
"I still can't leave Pyongyang unguarded."
"Are you feeling uneasy?"
Jang Seong-taek nodded gravely.
"If I leave my position, who knows what will transpire? Kim Jong-il might take action."
I shook my head.
"Kim Jong-il is already like a toothless tiger."
"Still, going to Seoul seems…"
"The longer you delay, the fewer gains you will achieve, Vice Chairman. Now is the optimal time. Korea is in the lead-up to the National Assembly elections, and the U.S. will be holding presidential elections this year. If we can engage those who have something to gain politically, we could secure further advantages."
Yet, Jang Seong-taek seemed hesitant and did not answer promptly.
I suppressed my frustration and spoke up kindly.
"I'll meet with Kim Jong-il once."
"You mean President Kim Mu-hyeok?"
"Yes. I want to meet and discuss things with him."
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