Chương 509: Chapter 509: Let’s Not Do That and Instead Do This
Dick Cheney's casual suggestion made Bush's expression turn icy.
'I can't let this interest linger any longer.'
But tackling it immediately felt burdensome. Cheney was a symbol of the Neocons and a political ally.
"You're betting on such an important matter?"
"I never thought you'd stoop to using such a low word as 'bet,' Bush. Both public and international opinion can't go against our moves. Opportunities like this won't come again."
The Neocons adopted a hardline stance, prioritizing American values and not shying away from using force.
Because of this, Cheney and the Neocons couldn't afford to miss this chance.
While there was some anti-war sentiment, it was rare for the majority to oppose a war.
Although the meaning had dulled after two wars, they needed to harness the anger of a nation attacked on its own soil for the first time in American history.
"Exactly. This chance may not come again. But the moment terror struck in New York, you were preparing for the Iraq War. It wasn't about catching terrorists, but waging war even before knowing who attacked us."
"There was no one else but Iraq who would dare attack America, so it was only natural."
"No, you just wanted to invade Iraq."
"You were on board too. This was approved by the UN. Don't pretend to regret it now."
Bush's and Cheney's voices rose gradually, yet no one dared to intervene.
Until now, the Vice President's position was like that of an honorary role with little power.
But under Bush's administration, it was a different story. Cheney was often labeled as the most powerful Vice President in U.S. history.
Some commentators even whispered that the true President of America was Dick Cheney.
At Cheney's tough words, Bush nodded.
"I have no regrets. Though it was your suggestion, I also supported it. But North Korea is a different matter."
"Why are you so lenient towards North Korea? What's so special about that little country?"
"In some ways, it's a bigger ticking time bomb than the Middle East. It's a place where military action should never occur. If force is used there, we could see the outbreak of World War III."
Cheney smirked at the mention of a world war.
"You seem to think there are countries capable of challenging the U.S. No one dares to oppose America. Russia is already a spent force. And China? They would collapse immediately without American investors. No one's coming to their rescue."
"…"
"And if we were to relinquish some influence over North Korea, they'd overlook it. Dividing North Korea into several parts, like how we split Korea after the Pacific War, could be a way to govern it. That was part of a plan crafted during your father's presidency, wasn't it?"
Listening quietly, Bush finally spoke up.
"You created that plan, Cheney, while serving as the Secretary of Defense during my father's presidency."
"Right. I thought North Korea would collapse after Kim Il-sung's death. That's why I devised such a plan. Instead, Kim Jong-il quickly stabilized the situation."
"Enough. Let's stop here. What good does bringing up old matters do now?"
Bush shook his head firmly.
"I have no intention of taking military action. So don't even dream about it and please, no further talk of betting or anything like that."
"Come on, Bush."
Cheney narrowed his eyes, using a sharp voice to call out to Bush, but he stood his ground.
"It's not you, but I'm the President. Keep that in mind. What we'll do is create a robust sanction plan to completely choke North Korea and get it passed in the Security Council."
"What the…"
Cheney glared as if it was essentially a notification.
Bush ignored him, turning to Secretary of State Colin Powell.
"Secretary of State."
"Yes, Mr. President."
"Discard the sanction plan we decided a while ago, and draft a new one. Imagine it's a total blockade against North Korea. Think of the scale of the Cuban blockade. No ships should enter or leave North Korea. And the blockade should reach the border with China as well."
Powell hesitated before responding.
"Mr. President, we can manage the ships, but blockading the border is… Honestly, it's unrealistic. They won't go that far. After all, just like the U.S. and Korea are allies, China and North Korea are allies too."
"Surely that man wouldn't do nothing, right?"
"Even with close ties to Chinese authorities, that would present a huge political burden. The most China will do in the Security Council is abstain."
Bush stroked his chin, deep in thought.
At that moment, Condoleezza Rice, the NSC advisor beside Powell, spoke up.
"Mr. President, I share the Secretary's views. A border blockade is going to be difficult."
"If China supports North Korea, any resolution passed in the Security Council becomes meaningless."
"Then why not prepare the sanctions for now and see how China reacts? We can draft various sanctions and figure out what to present based on their response."
Bush nodded at Rice's suggestion, acknowledging it.
"Very well. Then let the Secretary of State and Advisor Rice negotiate the sanctions together."
"Understood."
Finally, Bush turned to Donald Rumsfeld, the Secretary of Defense, and said.
"Rumsfeld."
"Yes, speak up."
"Even if we're not taking military action, we have to apply pressure, right?"
"Yes, that's correct."
"What do you think we should do?"
"Let's deploy the aircraft carriers of the 7th Fleet and 3rd Fleet. How about placing two carriers in the waters around the Korean Peninsula?"
"Two carriers? Isn't one carrier enough from the 7th Fleet?"
Rumsfeld grinned and nodded.
"It is enough. No country can stand against the 7th Fleet. Even China can't defeat the 7th Fleet. But…"
"You're saying we should make sure China couldn't even think of any other ideas."
"Yes, precisely."
After organizing his thoughts, Bush nodded and said.
"Let's dock the USS George Washington, currently at Yokosuka, at Jeju Island in South Korea."
"Is that sufficient? I believe we need a stronger show of force."
"Rumsfeld, are you itching for war?"
Rumsfeld briefly glanced at Cheney before continuing.
"Not exactly war, but I believe we need to demonstrate our strength appropriately."
Sighing, Bush rubbed his temples. After all, Rumsfeld was also a member of the Neocons.
"I said military action is off the table."
"Yes. Just a show of force should suffice. Sending one more carrier to the West Sea for joint drills with the Korean army would send a warning not just to North Korea but to China as well."
Rumsfeld too pushed for a hard stance. Bush believed if he rejected their demands again, it would only give them room to maneuver, and ultimately, he nodded.
"Alright. Then one ship will dock at Jeju, and the other will conduct joint exercises with the Korean military in the West Sea. Rumsfeld, you'll coordinate the details with Korea. The special envoy from Korea is in Washington, so it should be easy to communicate."
"Understood."
Rumsfeld nodded in agreement.
Bush then looked at Cheney once more.
"You should be satisfied with this, Dick."
"Fine. But you're going to regret this later on. I still regret not toppling North Korea back then. I hope your decision is one without regrets."
Eventually, even Dick Cheney agreed, concluding their lengthy discussion.
"Now, everyone get on your tasks quickly. I will hold a press conference to strongly condemn North Korea myself."
At Bush's words, everyone rose from their seats.
* * *
Myeong-su's schedule in the U.S. was extended.
This was due to President Yoon Chang-ho's visit to the U.S. and receiving orders from the Blue House to negotiate regarding the recent North Korean sanctions.
Additionally, China had unusually and strongly condemned North Korea's nuclear tests.
— North Korea has conducted nuclear tests secretly, ignoring international opposition. The Chinese government firmly opposes and strongly condemns this.
'Strongly condemns.' This was the strongest expression China could convey.
China always wanted to side with North Korea and engage in talks against the U.S.
However, the word 'dialogue' didn't appear even once in this statement, and Russia echoed the same reaction.
"That should make it easy to persuade Russia and China. I should schedule to visit China first and then Russia."
The UN Security Council was set to meet two weeks later.
Before that, he had to directly negotiate with China and Russia.
Persuading China was easy; with the Yukos crisis dragging on, the supply of crude oil to China was becoming problematic.
It wasn't surprising that the Chinese government attempted to acquire Yukos.
Thanks to taking over Yugansk, I felt confident I could assure them that no matter what happened, oil supplies wouldn't cease.
Russia would be easy to persuade as they needed stability in North Korea to continue various projects with Korea.
As for Japan… Well, there was no need to worry about them. They were already in my pocket.
"First, Manager Ma, arrange the schedule. Once the talks in two days are over, I'll head to China first."
"Yes. I will prepare it."
Two days later.
I entered the venue with the delegation that had come from Korea.
Secretary of State Powell, Advisor Rice, and Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld were all gathered.
Initially, it was meant to be a private meeting with the Secretary of State, but it had grown into something bigger.
"Welcome."
Powell greeted the delegation on behalf of the others.
After shaking hands with everyone, we sat facing each other at a long table.
I positioned myself beside Myeong-su, who was seated in the center. It wasn't my moment to speak yet.
Discussions soon began about coordinating the President's schedule during his visit to the U.S.
The Korean side elaborated on the details to ensure this was a state visit.
A state visit is the highest form of diplomatic courtesy between the head of state of one nation and that of another, where all expenses are covered and features the utmost respect.
Our country had received this honor four times, starting with our first President.
All other visits had been classified as official visits below this level.
Achieving a state visit for President Yoon Chang-ho was the biggest goal for Korea's Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
"Let's make it happen."
However, Powell accepted without placing any conditions on it.
This spontaneous action surprised the delegation, including Myeong-su. I, however, had anticipated it.
After all, America was the one needing to be responsive regarding North Korea's provocations and the request to send combat-ready troops to the Iraq War.
Thus, there was no reason to argue over something as trivial as a state visit.
"… Are you saying you are making it a state visit?"
Myeong-su asked, and Powell replied.
"Correct. We will host President Yoon Chang-ho officially as a state guest. I assure you that he will receive more respect than any prior ruler of South Korea."
Once the state visit issue was settled, everything proceeded smoothly.
Discussions about President Yoon Chang-ho's speech in the U.S. Congress and topics for his private meeting with the President progressed effortlessly.
And finally, Rumsfeld was the one to bring up the troop deployment issue, something Korea would prefer to avoid.
"Regarding President Yoon Chang-ho's visit, I believe we have resolved some differences. Now, I would like to talk about the dispatch of troops to Iraq."
"Using troops? We've already sent some to Iraq. Sending more is…"
Myeong-su cautiously began, but Rumsfeld was adamant.
"I'm not referring to non-combat personnel, you know that. I'm requesting the deployment of combat-capable troops. Surely, you've received a polite request through informal channels."
With this, deploying combat forces became a settled matter.
Only discussions remained on how many personnel would be sent.
The conversation, drawn out between Rumsfeld's demand for a large scale deployment and Myeong-su's aim for minimal forces, went on for quite a while.
"Let's not do that and instead do this."
I interrupted, having kept silent until then.
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