Bab 557: Chapter 557: Jang Seong-taek Moves
The U.S. also convened the NSC. Key officials from the Bush Administration gathered in the underground bunker of the White House.
With a grim expression, Bush opened his mouth.
"Is there any new information coming in?"
The Secretary of Homeland Security shook his head, followed by the CIA Director.
Finally, John Negroponte, the Director of the newly created Office of National Intelligence, began his report.
The Office of National Intelligence was a presidential agency intended to resolve conflicts and dissonance among the numerous intelligence agencies in existence in the U.S.
"After compiling information from all intelligence agencies, including the CIA, it seems clear that a coup or a coup-like emergency has occurred in North Korea."
A coup or something akin to it. Silence settled in the underground bunker.
After a moment, Bush cleared his throat and spoke.
"What about Kim Jong-il's condition?"
"It's uncertain whether Kim Jong-il was at Yeoho-ri Villa. Even if he was, there's no way to verify his condition."
"So you're telling me to wait here blindly? What are the U.S. intelligence agencies even doing? They can't even find Bin Laden's shadow, and they're hearing about North Korea's situation later than Russia? Is this really the best intelligence the U.S. has to offer?"
Bush raised his voice in exasperation.
"The fact that the South Korean government contacted us before we knew anything is grounds to discipline all CIA agents and military personnel stationed in Korea."
"But most of our HUMINT assets in North Korea have disappeared…"
"I'm not asking for excuses!"
Bush slammed the table, his face flushed with anger.
"Even though we've focused our intelligence efforts on Iraq and the Middle East, it's absurd that we lack information on North Korea. What can we even do? Does nobody want to speak? Why is everyone so quiet? Have you contacted Russia?"
The Secretary of Foreign Affairs, who had been watching, cautiously opened his mouth.
"Yes. However, I received a response indicating they have nothing to share. They said they know no more than we do."
"What do you mean by that? Russia is the one that clearly knows Jang Seong-taek has moved. Yet they say they know nothing? Are they really expecting us to believe such nonsense?"
"That is the official stance from the Russian Foreign Ministry."
Giving the Secretary of Foreign Affairs a sharp glare, Bush spoke loudly.
"Contact the Russian President immediately! I will ask him myself."
"Mr. President, there's no reason to go to those lengths. It's not wise to incur a favor from the Russian President."
Bush narrowed his eyes at the Secretary's opposition.
"So you're telling me to just wait? Are we, the United States, going to do nothing but twiddle our thumbs?!"
"…"
Everyone in the bunker fell silent at Bush's outburst.
The uncomfortable silence was broken by Vice President Dick Cheney.
"Even though we've activated DEFCON 3, the North Korean military has shown no signs of movement."
Bush turned to Cheney.
"I firmly believe something has gone wrong with Kim Jong-il."
"…And what leads you to that conclusion?"
"If Kim Jong-il could move normally, he would have ordered an emergency across the military as soon as DEFCON 3 was declared. However, the North Korean military is completely still. Kim Jong-il is known to react violently to even minor movements of U.S. forces stationed in Korea. Yet, despite being in a semi-war state, there's no activity? That's absurd. He must be dead or faces serious issues… Either way, something is clearly wrong."
Bush nodded at Cheney's calm explanation. But then his eyes flashed.
"That might be true. But what I need is solid information. No conjectures, only facts! That's the only way we can justify taking action."
"What about moving U.S. troops stationed in Korea?"
Bush furrowed his brow at Cheney's suggestion.
"The request for DEFCON 3 came from the South Korean government. Consequently, the Combined Forces Command declared DEFCON 3, and we have also assumed operational control of the South Korean military. If we move, the South Korean forces will have no choice but to follow. This is an opportunity, Bush."
Cheney began to persuade Bush.
"No! Absolutely not another war!"
At that moment, Secretary of State Colin Powell shouted in strong opposition.
"If we move, China and Russia will also move, and soon Japan will follow. We cannot give them a justification to mobilize their troops. We still don't know the true situation in North Korea. If we take action, they will simply have to respond. North Korea is not Iraq or Afghanistan; Russia and China will never abandon North Korea."
Most attendees, except for the Neocons, nodded in agreement with Powell's statement.
"We can't manage wars in Afghanistan, Iraq, and North Korea all at once. We're already suffering losses and the economy is faltering due to the immense costs of war."
Modern warfare for the U.S. was a war fueled by money.
Astronomical military costs were snowballing day by day.
"There are no military or diplomatic gains here. Mr. President, please don't make the mistake of deploying U.S. troops in Korea. We must keep our promises."
"…"
Bush fell deep in thought.
Watching Powell oppose him, Cheney shook his head.
"Powell, you're too much of a coward."
"Mr. Vice President, I'm a soldier who has been in combat. I'm not someone who advocates for war as you do. I understand the horrors of battle. You are the ones being reckless."
"What did you just say?!"
"The soldiers of this country are still shedding blood and sweat in Iraq. Do you think they don't care? A new war? That's absurd. If you want a war, you can fight it among yourselves."
Powell, who had always quietly expressed dissent, was different today. He was directly confronting Cheney.
"The Iraq War has already provided enough justification for a meaningless conflict. We must stop the violence."
"Violence? Are you saying what we're doing is violence!?"
"What else is it? Invading another country by force isn't considered violence? Did they find any of the biological or chemical weapons the Neocons claimed existed? No, they did not!"
Cheney briefly pursed his lips at Powell's sharp criticism.
Lowering his voice, he answered.
"…You also supported the Iraq War. Don't pretend to be innocent now."
"Yes. So I must rectify my mistake. We absolutely must not go to war with North Korea. That conflict will become a second Vietnam War. Countless young Americans will bleed, and the war will rage on for too long. The costs incurred during that period will further damage America's economy. It is a war with far greater losses than gains."
"Powell! Are you challenging me?!"
Powell and Cheney glared at each other. The air was thick with tension.
"Enough! Enough!"
Bush slammed the table once more, raising his voice.
"I have no intention of going to war either."
"Bush!"
Cheney called out to Bush, but he spoke to Powell.
"Contact Charlie, Secretary of State. He might have information that we don't know. The Russians would have told him what they won't share with us."
"…"
Everyone's face, including Cheney's, stiffened at the notion of reaching out to a mere businessman.
Nevertheless, Bush continued without a care.
"The moment the North Korean military mobilizes, we will have no choice but to move as well. Until then, neither the U.S. nor the troops stationed in Korea can take any action. So we need to obtain clear information. Contact him quickly."
Powell took out his phone. But Bush shook his head.
He turned on the speaker function of the phone next to him and pushed it towards Powell.
"Use this. Everyone here needs to hear it."
* * *
After finishing the call with Medvedev, I engaged in a conversation with Yoon Chang-ho while waiting for Igor's contact.
At that moment, my phone rang again.
I checked the caller ID, but it was restricted, making it impossible to tell who was calling.
Thinking it might be Igor, I quickly answered the phone.
"Hello?"
― Charlie, it's Powell.
But it was a call from the U.S., not Igor.
I tried to hide my disappointment as I replied.
"Yes, Mr. Secretary of State. It's been a while."
― Do you have time to talk?
I glanced at Yoon Chang-ho. He asked in a low voice.
"Secretary of State? Colin Powell?"
Nodding with my hand over the receiver, Yoon Chang-ho smiled and said.
"Let's see what he has to say."
I switched to speaker mode and placed the phone on the table.
"Yes, it's fine, Mr. Secretary of State."
― Charlie, can you explain what's happening right now?
"I've already informed Ambassador Thomas of everything I know. Haven't you received a briefing from him?"
― No, I'd like more precise information.
"…"
Powell was certain. He believed there was a connection between North Korea and me.
At that moment, a familiar voice resonated through the call.
― Charlie, can you not share with us?
Hearing President Bush's voice, Yoon Chang-ho and I exchanged glances.
"Mr. President, it's been a while."
― We'll catch up later; we're in an NSC meeting right now. Please give us the information we need, so we won't have to deploy our military.
"You're planning to move the military?"
"― We have a plan prepared by the Combined Command for when the situation rapidly deteriorates in North Korea. Is this something we should do?"
I quietly looked at Yoon Chang-ho. He nodded, as if reading my mind.
"Mr. President, it's Yoon Chang-ho."
― Mr. President Yoon is with you too?
"Yes. I also gathered the NSC after receiving information from CEO Kim Mu-hyeok. I contacted the Combined Command to request DEFCON 3 as well."
― I'm aware of that.
Yoon Chang-ho's voice carried conviction.
"However, from what I'm hearing, it sounds like you're referring to Concept Plan 5029… Are you intending to execute that? That's just an abstract scenario. I understood there aren't any detailed military operations planned."
― The U.S. military has already laid out the framework for Concept Plan 5029.
"So you're planning to proceed without consulting our government? Are you looking down on us?"
― President Yoon, now is not the time for diplomatic squabbles.
On hearing Bush's firm voice, Yoon Chang-ho took a step back.
"…We absolutely cannot go to war. Even if we achieve overwhelming victory, the costs will be unimaginable. South Korea is bound to collapse. As the President of South Korea, I cannot accept a war."
― We're aware of that. So please provide us with solid information.
Bush spoke urgently. That should suffice.
I lightly tapped Yoon Chang-ho's shoulder, and he nodded.
"CEO Kim Mu-hyeok will explain it to you."
― Thank you, President Yoon.
Yoon Chang-ho sighed silently and leaned back in his chair.
Seeing him rub his temples as if he had a headache, I spoke up.
"What's happening in North Korea is indeed a coup."
― Are you sure it's a coup?
"Yes. Jang Seong-taek has moved. I believe he's at Yeoho-ri Villa."
― He's there and seeking to remove Kim Jong-il… That's truly a life-risking gamble.
Kim Jong-il, being a man of great suspicion, would never follow through without such extreme measures.
It was indeed a gamble for one's life, just as he said.
"Yet neither we nor Russia know the outcome of this. However, someone must have seized the advantage by now. If Kim Jong-il has won, it's the worst-case scenario."
― The worst-case scenario…
"Jang Seong-taek is Kim Jong-il's closest aide and family. If he has taken action to displace Kim Jong-il, and there are forces aligned with him, it could be an unprecedented large-scale coup attempt. It's certain that North Korea will be engulfed in bloodshed. The aftermath could lead to provocations as well."
After a moment of silence, Bush quietly asked.
― Is that information you received from Russia?
"Yes. Russia still has quite a few informants inside Pyongyang."
"― If Jang Seong-taek has made a move, wouldn't China also act? Shouldn't we prepare…?"
I interrupted Bush.
"No. China has no relation to this matter. That much is certain."
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