Situation in Romania]
In the first weeks of April, after the continuation of peasant unrest and terrorism in the Kingdom of Romania (including pogroms), Tsar Alexander III decided that it was time to act.
The instability in Romania could be a greater instability for the rest of neighboring countries, or at least that was the excuse, King Carol I could accept this and allow foreign troops on Romanian soil, or suffer the consequences of foreign interference less willing to keep collaborating with him.
A rift was immediately caused between Carol and his heir, Ferdinand Viktor Albert Meinrad (his nephew). Carol I was opposed, because of his own autocracy and German roots, and Ferdinand "loyal to Romania" supported the intervention.
Finally despite the fact that Princess Maria of Romania (Carol's only daughter, Alexander III's daughter-in-law) tried to buy some more time, Tsar Alexander III finally ordered the intervention.
Russian troops entered Moldavia, Bulgarian and Serbian troops in Wallachia (and Banat), and Hungarian troops on the border towards Transylvania.
The presumed heir Ferdinand joined the Russian army as peasant rebels were crushed throughout April and May, Carol I's opposition to intervention was futile.
Important positions were recovered in May by the peasant uprising, which although now had modern weapons taken from the Romanian army, did not have the organization or discipline to seriously fight against the intervention coalition.
The problem came with Transylvania, where the Hungarians were fighting against the Romanian government of Carol I, the armies of the Kingdom of Hungary obviously had sympathy for them.
Tsar Alexander III proposed to crush the Romanian peasant uprisings in Transylvania by force, but he was still willing to negotiate peacefully with the Hungarians.
Leading to the intervention did not come to an end in June, but Romania was mostly peaceful (although there were already many dead peasants, Romanian soldiers, Jews and loyalists).
Ferdinand of course did not want the total division of Romania, but he advocated better relations with Russia seeing that Germany could do nothing and the United Kingdom was not going to do anything about it.
*******
[May 1]
They were about to celebrate almost 10 years (in October-December) since the Russian Empire under Tsar Alexander III began its first great labor reform.
Tsar Alexander III's labor reform instituted trade unions, strike laws, remuneration laws, annual leave (1 week according to the 1897 reform), maternity payments for female workers, anti-monopoly laws and most importantly, the 8-hour workday.
With this in the First Duma, the creation of May 1 was proposed as Labor Day (Праздник труда, Prazdnik truda), which later was also known as "Spring and Labor Day" (Праздник Весны и Труда, Prazdnik Vesny i Truda) in Russia.
Today May 1 is most viewed in Russia as just another holiday, a day of entertainment, and the start of the shopping season, but by 1907 it was a very notable step in continuing Russian authority.
The Russian state had earned the image of an authoritarian state, but open to top-down reform.
Finally after some quick votes, the resolution of Russia's first Labor Day was adopted.
On May 1 (day 1 of the following month), there were quite a few celebrations throughout Russia, especially in European Russia and the Caucasus.
The celebration of May 1 in Russia also sparked similar events in other parts of the Russosphere, which received tourism and money from Russia, and thus socio-political movements there became relatively popular (or made waves) in other parts of the world. Russosphere.
For example Cilicia, Assyria, Kurdistan, Syria, Rio Grande do Sul and Albania did not take long to follow suit, later Labor Day would continue to expand to other states within the Russosphere.
Although of course we cannot attribute all international worker celebrations to Russia, there were already previous or recent social democratic and labor movements.
*******
[RSDLP Congress]
On May 13, 1907, the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party met in Moscow to discuss certain issues regarding the party's platform and other movements.
This was notable for again demonstrating a separation between the Russian Bolsheviks, Vladimir Lenin, despite being able to go to Russia, did not attend this congress (one of the first public and legal congresses of the RSDLP in Russia). This left a great deal of independence within the main leaders of the Congress.
Iosif Vissarionovich Dzhugashvili (better known then as Koba), Lev Borisovich Kamenev (born Leo Rosenfeld) and Grigory Yevseyevich Zinoviev (born Hirsch Apfelbaum).
Lev Trotsky (Lev Davidovich Bronstein), Felix Dzerzhinsky, Sergei Kirov and other members-deputies of the party were also present. With Trotsky being the most prominent of all this group that was not part of the Dzhugashvili-Kamenev-Zinoviev triumvirate.
The trinvirate de facto directed most of the party's activities at the national level in Russia, although there were always local differences and differences between the three members of the trinvirate (troika).
Zinoviev was an exceptional orator, although he was also called a demagogue and a 'poison spitter'. He devoted (perhaps excessively) to the ideas of Russian socialism (a purist), intelligent, cultured and able to maneuver through the politics of the Russian Empire.
Dzhugashvili was an unstoppable worker of the bureaucratic apparatus, that person to whom the rest entrusted work that nobody wanted to do. But he was also smart and with an eye for talent (suitable allies or lackeys), a supporter of the collective government, a practitioner rather than a theorist, and a connoisseur of the Russian people (bordering on populism).
Kamenev was a talented organizer and propagandist, with tendencies towards left-wing social democracy, he was the most 'bourgeois' of the group but not without ambition or goodness. Like Dzhugashvili, he advocated a collective form of government, but he lacked [Dzhugashvili's] penchant for authoritarian measures and moved more out of inertia than out of adventurous aptitude.
If we talk about support, in 1907, Zinoviev was the Troika leader with the most support within the RSDLP. Dzhugashvili was the second most popular. And finally there was Kamenev, as the third most popular member.
At the 1907 Congress of the RSDLP, it was discussed:
* Report on the finances and activities of the party.
* Indorm about the activities in the First Duma, proposals of the RSDLP and other parties.
* Attitude towards liberal, right-wing parties and other 'bourgeois' elements.
* Labor organizations not aligned with the party.
* The unions and the party.
* Unemployment, recession-Great Depression and the attitudes of capitalism.
*The army.
* Party demonstrations.
* Upcoming elections.
* Miscellaneous cases.
Various ordinances were reached.
* Resolution on reports about the party (bureaucracy).
* Attitudes towards the non-proletarian parties of the left and right.
* About popular democracy.
* About unions.
* About seeking unification with regional minor groups (in the Caucasus and Turkestan).
* About planning future events.
* About RSLDP relations with the press, party-affiliated newspapers or their ideas (left newspapers not affiliated to the party).
*******
During this congress, Iosif Vissarionovich Dzhugashvili presented his idea: "The society for which the RSLDP and the Russian people strive."
These are the series of points which should be an essential part of the party platform, appearing both within Russia and abroad. The eight-petal flower.
* A developed economy, with modern productive forces and progressive and appropriate production relations.
* A strong country, with a society of wealthy people, popular democracy, justice (rule of law) and civilization.
* Popular organization for the citizens of the country in the labor-economic, social-cultural and political life.
* A deep cultural development, associated with the national identities of Russia.
* Prosperous and positive living conditions for the population in the development of the country.
* Rule of law, run by the elected government of the people.
* Cooperative relations with the rest of the countries around the world.
* Equality and unity for the different ethnic groups within Russia, based on mutual respect and help.
Of course how much he really believed Dzhugashvili is another matter. Since in order not to scare the possibility of alliances with other parties and electoral possibilities, the eight points could not be extremely aggressive.
Also of course, Dzhugashvili was vague on certain terms.
Another point of Dzhugashvili was his opposition to national self-determination and separatisms, Dzhugashvili was accused of being chauvinistic by opposing any form of autonomy similar to the Grand Duchy of Finland.
Degrees of provincial autonomy could of course be admitted, but for Dzhugashvili everything had to be within Russia proper.
Surprisingly, the 8 points were finally accepted within the party's newspapers and programs, in part because of Dzhugashvili's popularity and Kamenev's support for the 8 points.
*******
"A Martovite is a political fool, a Trotskyist is a political prostitute."
-Iosif Vissarionovich Dzhugashvili.
A young Lev Davidovich Bronstein, already known as Lev Trotsky, had produced left-leaning texts that had been well received in Europe and with decent success in parts of southern Russia.
Trotsky was eloquent and educated despite his relative youth, but his problem was undoubtedly his own pride, he read in the middle of sessions and was conceited to a certain extent, he could win enemies and enemies in a few moments.
As early as 1904, Trotsky had begun to believe and participate in the theory of the 'Permanent Revolution', thanks to his rapprochement with Alexander Lvovich Parvus (born Israel Lazarevich Gelfand) Russian-German social-democratic leader.
Trotsky then began since the democratic reform in Russia (1905-1906) to criticize the RSLDP extensively, accusing it of Jacobin tendencies (suspicion, sectarianism, intolerance, thirst for power) and 'critical and refute' certain ideas of the party.
Trotsky later tried to forget about these criticisms of "Our Political Tasks", but it was something that haunted him later in his life.
Trotsky in particular criticized the ideas of one-country socialism, eastern socialism or socialism that certain members of the RSLDP wanted to develop in Russia.
He understood the importance of the peasantry in socialism and Russian society, but criticized certain 'elitisms' within the party, such as the aforementioned troika.
Despite this, Trotsky initially enjoyed considerable friendship with Iosif Vissarionovich Dzhugashvili and Lev Borisovich Kamenev.
* Dzhugashvili in particular later used Trotsky to deal with various problems in southern Russia.
This already aroused ideological differences, but not the division of the party that was too strong in its foundations at the national level.
The permanent revolution and its tendencies, against the Russian tendencies, the eastern socialism or the socialism of one country.
"Without waiting for others, we are starting and continuing our movements on our national soil, quite certain about an international impetus towards more leftist tendencies after the socialist revolutions.
Progressive Russia cannot stand up to the conservative forces of Europe, while France, Spain, Portugal, Andorra and Italy cannot remain isolated from the capitalist world.
That is a hopeless thought, devoid of the light of theoretical considerations and historical analysis. "
-Lev Trotsky.
"The interpretation that there is an impossibility of the victory of socialism in a single country (and the relationship of this country with the rest) is wrong.
Uneven economic-political development is an absolute law of capitalism, consequently, the victory of socialism is possible in one or several capitalist countries separately. "
-Vladimir Lenin.
"The possibility of the progression of our country, with the defeat of the worst capitalist elements and the triumph of the goods of the ideas of socialism has two answers, one affirmative, from our comrades, and the other negative, from the Trotskyists.
We comrades believe that the internal forces of our nation are capable of overcoming these adversities. This is the line of our party, the RSDLP.
While the Trotskyists approach the vision of the Social Democrats. "
-Iosif Vissarionovich Dzhugashvili.
* Later in the 20th century, some Trotskyists discarded Trotsky's idea about the use of the peasant mass in the socialist struggle.
In particular, a Chinese Trotskyist discarded the utility of the peasantry in the revolution, which is a great mistake, counting how later millions of Chinese peasants were an important force in mobilizing huge forces on the left and right.
*******
[Recognition]
On May 14, representatives of Russia and representatives of the Federative Socialist Republic of Italy, the People's Republic of France and the Socialist Union of Hispania (in this order) met to discuss a treaty.
A treaty that would entail initiating official trade and diplomatic relations, obviously in exchange for Russian recognition to the socialist states.
Relations already existed between socialist Italy, socialist France and tsarist Russia (not with Iberia, by geographical distance) but it was purely extra-official.
Tsar Alexander III had the power over foreign policy, but he offered the discussion of this treaty to the ministers, Premier Stolypin, some select people and the deputies of the First Duma.
Since this decision could have important socio-economic, political and diplomatic consequences for the Russian Empire.
*******
"Following the co-operation policies of the former Premier Witte, we benefit more from the recognition of the socialist states than to remain without them. Our relations with the governments in exile in Puerto Rico and Africa are simply at an all-time low, selling to the Socialists is much more promising. " Tsar Alexander III argues in discussion. "The problem is the national reaction in Russia, the international reaction and the Suez Canal."
"Indeed, the socialists are a good friend if we talk about markets and war. The socialists need weapons while they rebuild, we are one of the main arms producers in Europe and the help of the socialists against the Germanics is invaluable." The minister of war, Mikhail Skobelev argues. He was not on the left, but he saw everything from the point of view of a European war.
"Are you sure the Socialists would be useful?" One of the deputies questions.
"The socialists may not have the best professional armed forces now, but they have already proven to be good distractions during Fashoda and have rejected international interventions during the last French civil war." Skobelev emphasizes. "The Second French Empire and the Kingdom of Italy only serve in a war of a colonial character, in Africa, not in Europe. We already have our doctrine in our colonies and they are not part of it. "
"I am not the best friend of the socialists, but we cannot align ourselves with the Second French Empire of Charles Maurras and Napoleon IV. We have already seen that Generalissimo Boulanger was a barbarian in Africa, and Maurras is no better." Nicholas Alexandrovich Romanov, Tsesarevich, argues.
"Honestly our use of the Suez Canal has been decreasing due to our poor relations with Maurras and Napoleon IV. We still have access to Asia, Africa and the Americas through other ways, such as Gibraltar, the Persian Gulf and Iran, the Far East and the Baltic. " Premier Stolypin indicates.
"Yes, I also insist that the British Empire is still our enemy." Skobelev adds.
"So, I propose a vote to know the opinion of the Duma before a proper decision." Tsar Alexander III declares.
The left of the Duma (left socialists and populists) voted in favor, was the division of the center (left social democrats, moderates, some liberals and others) and right (conservatives, nationalists, liberals and others) of the Duma, voting against or abstaining, which caused the final victory of the pro-ratification in the opinion of the First Duma.
Tsar Alexander III finally decided to accept the proposal on May 16, making Russia the first country to recognize the socialist states of Italy, Iberia, and France.
This was simply to acknowledge the obvious, the socialist states were here to stay, for the foreseeable future at least. Of course the Second French Empire had complaints, but they did not have the strength to impose their thoughts on Russia.
The tax increase for Russia in Suez did not produce many results.
Germany was still too busy with other economic and international affairs, but they too would have to do something soon, as the People's Republic of France was on its fringes and firmly settling in.
On the other hand in the UK, the anti-Russian and anti-socialist rhetoric continued, although not without real action against Russia.
Within Russia the reaction was generally neutral, simply because Russia and Western Europe were always very disconnected.
Of course there were also people for and against, but there were no particularly violent reactions or a great organized political opposition to the event.
The Red Scare was simply very small within the post-democratic reform Russian Empire.
*******
[Government: First Duma and Premier Stolypin]
On June 16, Tsar Alexander III calls for a deep examination of the government and the First Duma since the democratic reform of the Russian Empire in 1905.
With this, the State Duma, the Imperial Senate, the ministries and the National Congress of the Russian Citizens presented papers both objective (finances, archives, statistics, etc.) and subjective (personal criticisms, opinions, and the like) about the performance of the first government. bureaucratic-public Russia.
Premier Witte due to his health participated relatively little, but state finances continued well and he laid some foundations for Russia's diplomatic cooperation with other parts of the international community.
Therefore the biggest point was the Premiership of Pyotr Stolypin, successor to Sergei Witte, interior minister and reformist bureaucrat.
Stolypin had opponents on the far left and far right, who viewed him as either too right-wing or too left-wing. Yet it was obvious that Stolypin was the 'right man', according to Tsar Alexander III, who had positive views of his Premier.
Especially since Stolypin had a comprehensive and long-term reform plan, slowly moving towards new economic (agricultural and industrial) heights. Of course, Stolypin was also continuing with certain policies of the Premier Witte.
Of his achievements during his first time as Premier we can have:
* Right to vote for women.
* Labor Day.
* Policy of the double-headed eagle:
** Agrarian reform of Stolypin.
** Industrialization policy of Stolypin.
* Political amnesty.
* Reform of martial law and anti-terrorism (allowing more authoritarian measures in certain cases).
* Successful continuation of Witte's policies and the first economic reform of the Alexandrian period.
* Lack of pogroms and decrease in violence for ethno-cultural reasons.
The economic reforms would pay off in the next few years, but the continuation of previous policies benefited immigration to Russia, there was a growth of settlements, the agricultural sector remained strong and more railways were built.
At the civil level the truth is that the political amnesty did not change much, but the expansion of democracy and the greater openness of society to women (and some other workers' rights and for minorities), if it is quite positive for the young politician of the Russian Empire.
Although the issues about the federalization or autonomy of the Russian Empire and other bureaucratic-administrative, civil, etc. reforms were still openly debated.
Indeed during Premier Stolypin there were no pogroms, and there was a considerable decrease in cases of anti-Semitism and other violence with ethnic, cultural or religious motives. A remarkable achievement for the Russian Empire.
Increasingly, religious-ethnic minorities had the possibility to seek equality and competitiveness in the economy and the state in Russia (although certain laws had yet to be abolished).
However the rule of Tsar Alexander III and Stolypin actually increased violence to some extent. There are two important points:
* The percentage of people who died in prison and forced labor dropped enormously, before the reform, about 40% (or similar %) of prisoners in Katorgas died.
* The percentage of people executed by order of the state increased, up to 600 people per year (which was much more than what the Russian Empire before democratic reform had officially done in decades).
Stolypin, who had lost friends during terrorist violence in Russia, was a strong opponent of the abolition of the death penalty, the abolition of forced labor, and the Katorga system of the Russian Empire (although he also did not propose to expand it).
In foreign policy, Premier Stolypin intervened little, leaving this mostly to the czar and ministers, although from time to time he would give his opinion or intervene if absolutely necessary.
After the generally positive evaluation, Tsar Alexander III and Premier Pyotr Stolypin prepared some reforms to continue fighting corruption (officials taking / mis spending state money through improper activities), some projects with the war ministry and fiscal policies.
* Banking-fiscal reform: The Russian Empire continued to use the silver and gold standard (bimetallism), some proposed to use only the gold standard and others to abolish both.
The problem with the silver standard was its variability, the constant need of the state to regulate it with respect to gold and the market to avoid incidents. That one was probably going to go.
But the problem was only the gold standard and whether to abolish it or not. Both had advantages and disadvantages.
* Projects with the Ministry of War: Separate the air force from the common branch of the army and some projects regarding weapons development.
* Corruption: Continue the fight against possible lobbying, waste of funds, waste and improper taking of public funds by officials.
The problem was how strong corruption existed within certain parts of Russia.
*******
[Fashion: St. Petersburg School]
It must be understood that fashion (from Latin modus and French mode) is the expression and tendencies of individuals and entire societies over time and/or in certain specific periods of human history. Reflecting characteristics or realities of a socio-economic, political and cultural nature.
To the point that fashion includes not only clothes and accessories, but also lifestyles, body postures and makeup.
With the transformation of the Alexandrian period, fashion also went through certain changes and faced certain realities.
Most of the Russian population lived as workers or farmers (rural and urban environment), being natives of welcoming or inhospitable places (desert, tundra) and with a huge variety of cultures.
This brought a lot of potential, but Russia for most of its history did not have a proper fashion industry, fashion was something more of the upper class and the court following trends, but the design of clothes mattered little to the common russian citizen.
We can make a very clear example, until 1885, in Russia there was very little dedication to following the trends of the latest fashion.
The first modern fashion magazine in Russia (Ве́стник мо́ды/Véstnik módy. Full name: Иллюстрированный журнал моды, хозяйства и литературы/Illyustrirovannyy zhurnal mody, khozyaystva i literatury) is founded by Nikolai Alovert (1847-1927) that mentioned year of 1885.
And that magazine was more about foreign fashion, than national fashion trends.
For these reasons, Russia did not have a developed fashion industry as elsewhere (especially Germany, the United Kingdom, the United States, or even socialist France, heir to previous French traditions). Russian fashion didn't really begin to truly develop (in the modern fashion sense) until the 1960s and 1970s, with its greatest developments only between the 1980s and 2000s.
At the beginning of the 20th century (1900s to the 60s and 70s), what we have is the 'Saint Petersburg Fashion School', 'Petersburg Style' or 'Saint Petersburg Fashion', circles of art critics and designers, leaders of semi-closed private workshops (not a full-fledged fashion and design industry).
Some Russian designers identified with this school or style, and others rejected it, but fashion historiography identifies the St. Petersburg style as the main phenomenon in Russian fashion.
With this lack of development, Saint Petersburg (cultural-artistic capital of the Russian Empire) practically carried all the weight of fashion in Russia, sometimes it was popular and sometimes it was not. There was no unified style or construction method, there were many styles.
There were designers who followed a "German model" (the adaptation of foreign fashion to the Russian national identity), some wanted a "Russian model" (to return and / or modernize the traditional styles of Russia), a "Minority model" (ethno-cultural fashion of Russia to the mainstream view), some designers were "Westernizers" ( bring fashion from abroad to Russia) and others followed their own model.
Fashion was one of the few industries that were underdeveloped during the 20th century in the Russian Empire, the first Russian model house was founded only between the 40s and 50s.
However there was a curiosity of Russian fashion from its inception to the present, it was not an economic form associated with the principles of production and consumption together with a marketing structure. Russian fashion was an ideological, personal and social identity.
The audience, the public and the critical media are part of the system of designers, retailers and critics through a sequence carried out by people and public institutions, with consumption strategies typical of Russia.
An example is the birthday of Tsar Alexander III, whose birthday accompanied by a pre-Petrine Tsarist costume party led to a tendency to bring back pre-Petrine costumes for some time.
An ideological and social identity of the elite that attracted the interest of designers and at least a part of the population, but there were also other designers and styles.
The problem was always that closed and underdeveloped nature of St. Petersburg to fashion, the art of St. Petersburg was literature, music, cinema and other similar forms of art.
Today Russia celebrates national or local fashion weeks, and there are certain ministerial efforts for further development, but fashion was never something that Russia appropriated and developed properly within itself.
* The only exception to Russian fashion is hats, Russia with its diverse cultures and population has exported many hats to the rest of the world since the mid-20th century.
We generally speak of fur hats or hats for seasons (winter-summer).
********
[International]
* [South American arms race]
April 17, 1907, the South American arms race begins.
Context: After the fall of north-central Mexico (Second Mexican Empire), Argentina and Chile became the first and second Latin American economic powers.
Followed behind by Gran Colombia when Colombia and Venezuela merged.
However, with the Minister of Economy Alberto Santos-Dumont, of the Republic of the United States of Brazil, republican Brazil began a successful economic reform, with which the Brazilian (republican) armed forces were able to afford the purchase of more weapons and even battleships (the Minas Geraes class) from the British Empire.
With this alarming deployment (although we should not overestimate it, the Republic of Brazil was nothing more than a paper tiger), panic and competition broke out throughout Latin America.
Chile, Argentina and the Empire of Brazil (a poor country, another paper tiger) wanted and needed weapons, before this Germany, the United Kingdom and Russia began to sell.
Germany across the Atlantic and UK-Russia across the Pacific (decline in Atlantic trade due to the American-German War and the Great Depression).
Of course the United States couldn't take much advantage of this, but some were concerned about this arms race.
* Chile bought from the United Kingdom, Germany and Russia.
* Argentina bought from Russia and Germany.
* The Empire of Brazil bought from Russia and Germany.
* The Republic of the United States of Brazil bought from Russia and the United Kingdom.
* Gran Colombia bought from the United Kingdom, Russia and Germany.
The biggest beneficiaries were simply Russia and the United Kingdom, in the middle of the war and the great depression, Germany did not solve its problems.
Most of the money earned was reinvested in the arms industry and the German-American war, thus many of the other problems of the German Empire were not solved.
UK was only slightly better than Germany, but the Social Aristocracy just wasn't helping much.
*******
April 24 to May 3, in Egypt and the Holy Land (territory of the Second French Empire), the native Egyptians and Arabs of the area began to found various student unions and other associations.
Some wanted even more autonomy (according to the caste system, the Egyptians-Arabs of the Second French Empire were above the rest of the African-Asian natives, and with some local autonomy but not much representation) or even independence from the direct-colonial rule of white Europeans.
With this, the government of Generalissimo Charles Maurras seeks to repress the unions and associations of 'leftist' tint (simply a way of saying, opponents of the regime) to maintain control, without angering the local allies of course.
The societies of Egypt and the Holy Land are on an intricate path, between collaboration with the colonial regimes and the movements of more left-liberal dye (those reformist, secular or leftist Muslims).
At the beginning of June there is also a movement for the reconstruction of the wine industry in the People's Republic of France, this in the middle of the Cultural Reform and of course the reconstruction after the civil war.
All obviously planned by the state, according to the restructuring of the market economy to a planned economy of a socialist nature.
Between purges, reconstructions and restructuring, the French socialists still want to rescue and socialize certain aspects of old France ... like wine.
* Particular success in rebuilding vineyards and building collective farms in rural southern France.
June 5, Shastri Yagnapurushdas (born Dungar Patel, a man who became a swami, ascetic or bairagi individual who has taken the path of renunciation / saṃnyāsa) consecrates the murtis (in Hindu culture, this refers to an image , idol or statue of a mortal or god, a symbolic icon of temples) of both Sahajanand Swami and Gunatitanand Swami in a single central shrine, thus creating the Bochasanwasi Shri Akshar Purushottam Swaminarayan Sanstha.
June 10, the British suffer a defeat in Punjab that puts serious distractions for London, which after its success in the Imperial Preference, also has to focus on stopping the rebellions in Bengal and Punjab.
June 15, this day Germany and the United States reach a truce on the Panamanian and Haitian fronts, unfortunately not in the Cuban water war and the Mexican front.
However, this is a first step towards the normalization of some issues, firstly the United States recognizes Greater Colombia ... but it does not recognize Panama as Colombian territory.
Instead, Germany offers to recognize the Haitian government, but they have doubts about Haiti and the Dominican Republic uniting. In addition, Germany wants money after the Haitians stole their ship and the military resources transported by the ship that started the Haitian crisis.
June 22, the UK and its white dominions sign another series of treaties, this time about joint intelligence activities.
Effectively establishing a kind of common intelligence service for the UK, Canada, New Zealand and Australia.
Fighting against possible spies, terrorism, revolutionaries and any other danger for the current government (the Social Aristocracy).
June 26, Venustiano Carranza and Pancho Villa begin their guerrilla campaigns in central Mexico, which involves the attack and destruction of various US logistical resources in the occupied areas. With some degree of success.
The problem is the US arms superiority (part of guerrilla life is the lack of resources) over the guerrilla group, but the mobility of the Mexican guerrilla allows them to be a serious nuisance against the invaders.
Villa begins to make increasingly aggressive 'cavalry' attacks, while Carranza is more focused on land militia attacks and trying to recover important cities, such as Mexico City.
*******
[The French wolf]
When talking about the "French Red Terror" or the "Cultural Reform of the People's Republic of France", we have several points and characteristics to take into account.
The French exiles understood it as a "Loss of spiritual values, moral values and cultural values. Loss of hope, ideals, time and truth. A loss of everything that makes life have value."
Ignoring other positive realities of the Cultural Reform, which especially impacted life in rural areas, a massive program of infrastructure re-construction, educational reforms, literary and artistic experimentation (within the socialist world of course), expansion of medical care and education to rural areas, and the development of innovations for the rural sector.
The middle ground (without ignoring the chaos but not the positive legacies either), would be to say that for the rural environment the Cultural Reform was a success ... and a failure for French urban society in the People's Republic of France.
Throughout the People's Republic of France a huge number of citizens were mobilized, intending to improve French society and humanity in general.
Ideas on a wide range of topics were scrutinized and researched, tested and examined (also with a wide range of results of course).
There were excesses and disasters of course.
Critics of democracy, anti-socialists, other members of the right (Boulangerists, monarchists, ultra-nationalists) and others (liberals, neo-liberals, anarchists) insisted on the failures of the socialist French revolution after the practices of violence that there were.
"They invited the wolves to kill the eagle."
The idea that the democratic 'Ouverture' reforms during Pierre Curie and the civil war basically caused the entry or 'infiltration' of socialism and therefore the end of the monarchy, democracy, the bourgeoisie and capitalism.
Reason why the first generation of young French socialists, participants or living in the civil war, were known as "Wolf Warriors" (Loups Guerriers in French).
* Former Prime Minister Pierre Curie became a chemistry teacher while continuing his experiments, during the Cultural Reform, Curie insisted (as did others) on the need for modern and professional education to save the French socialist revolution.
During this time the school curriculum included chemistry, mathematics, history, geography, philosophy, economics and other sciences (of course the social sciences were plagued with the ideology of the state).
Other counterproductive events also occurred, such as cases of corruption and shoe-licking of people in the upper echelons of the French government.
Although bourgeois elements were seriously attacked, some libertarians (left-wing socialists) would certainly survive the era of the Cultural Reform.